... the other Black experience

From the wire:

ABSTRACT: Somewhere between the vicious battle for Southern democrat States to keep the Negro as Property, and the First Reconstruction the American Negro has been courted from either side of the partisan line. But where the republicans sought to reward the Negro during the First Reconstruction the Old Guard Southern democrats chose to tear the nation apart, than concede "their right to Men as Property: reasonable minds would argue 'history is again repeating itself.' The American Negro was given the first true, glimpse of substantive protections from voluntary servitude, for our black forbears' valiant contributions on the front lines of the Civil War, despite the J. Roger Taney opinion in Dred Scott v. Sanford case, (where the 1789 SCOTUS held no blacks can ever be Citizens having come from slaves) the republicans would substantively repeal the Taney ruling completely by giving the American Negro the 13th and 14th Amendments to the US Const. But what happened? We had the "Negro Amendments ( Amend. XIII, XIV, XV)" as they were then referred to, by the enacting republican Legislature, and we Negroes voted "in kind" knowing the Old Guard Southern democrats would do everything they could to expand their KKK "social group" with an influx of new Law Enforcement officials, re-acting "under color of" law or authority to diminish our anticipation of 'actual rights, real freedom'. . . But when and how did the American Negro become so enamored with the democrat party? This Article attempts an insight, now relevant at a time WikiLeaks® verified DNC corruption, the democrats just lost another "sure win" in the GA governor seat, and the dems have found themselves being held accountable by more blacks, for its failures the past 50 years since the Civil Rights Act of '64.

This Article in the Atlantic, discusses the backstory, how we were delivered from "Southern injustices," by the republicans, only to be swayed by R. Kennedy just before L.B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Bill of 1964.

And yes, we still haven't any: substantive economic Negro policy; sustainable health care; public welfare reform while we fall off the scrolls and newcomers subject under foreign jurisdiction and here unlawfully, find open arms and plentiful social services coffers. Perhaps it's time to engender a unified Black Politics demanding a lawful accounting, for the Negroes' "postponed" access to substantive Agency. . . who is up for changing this with a New Black Congressional Caucus?

Special thanks to TheAtlantic, Matthew Delmont, and Y. Carnell @ newsletter.

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I see there is a log in to view the Article. I do not own any rights to the content, nor do I imply ownership of either theAtlantic® Associated Press photos, or Mr. Matthew Delmont's piece. I'll include the text and any personal insights in Italic below each block of text. . .



"While the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 helped Johnson earn support from 94% of black voters in 1964, there is a gulf between what black Americans hoped the legislation would achieve and what the Democratic Party actually delivered. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 helped end apartheid conditions in the South, a critical objective for which grassroots black Southern Activists fought and died, the legislation did little to address the structures of racism that shaped black lives in cities like Chicago, Los Angeles, and Philadelphia. This was an intentional consequence of how the bill's sponsors, largely North, Midwest, and West, crafted the legislation." (Emphasis, added)

Commentary: So not only were we suddenly dedicated to tender our black votes at an astounding percentage of 94% to pass the landmark vehicles, we were likewise given little substantive due process bywhich to effect legitimate change. Interesting how that has worked so well for the democrat party, even after DNC WikiLeaks®

"As King understood, Democratic [sic] politicians acted more boldly on race issues in Alabama and Mississippi than in New York and Massachusetts. "There is a pressing need for liberalism in the North which is truly liberal, a liberalism that fully believes in integration in its own community as well as in the Deep South," King told the New York Urban League in September 1960. As the Urban League's Executive Director Whitney Young put it a few years later, "liberalism seems to be related to the distance people are from the problem." (Emphasis added)

Commentary: As is evident by this time, having already been given the Amend. XIV, we still were not "equal." Though "equal" appears nowhere in the Fourteenth Amend's. first (most important sentence that frames the Law) the concept was especially implicit in the vehicle. The second sentence, ("No State shall . . . ") appears to rebut in reasonable minds, the error in misinterpreting the Fourteenth Amendment's key words to target only those actions of the state government, which many students have and still persist. However, despite the XIV being Law, many state actors and officials by the late 50's still engaged themselves with adverse disparate treatment of the American Negro and conduct testing the legal boundary of state retaliation in cases of Nonviolent demonstrations. The State knew Dr. King was quickly becoming the face of the Civil Rights movement. And because he 'had skin in the game'; he was certainly targeted more than other, 'good Negroes.' When the Kennedys then, put their necks "out" for King, it had to resonate with Negro voters (as we will see), who were becoming less-entrusting of any state action.

"After the 1964 Election where Republican candidate Barry Goldwater described the Civil Rights Act as unconstitutional, black voters essentially found themselves in a one-party system for Presidential Elections. Republicans turned their attention to white voters in the South and suburbs and have made a few serious attempts in subsequent campaigns to appeal to the [black] American electorate. Richard Nixon in 1960 is the last republican to earn more than 15 percent of black votes."

Commentary: Again, of special note: ". . . celebrating these landmark pieces of legislation makes it easy to overlook what black people in the United States lost when civil rights and equality for blacks were hitched to the Democratic Party." I was struck by Mr. Delmont's cogent syntax in "lost"; not because of the trade-off the Amend. XIV, XV legislation provided us (because within these laws, I'd argue any day of the week that 'substantive due process' on behalf of the American Negro slaves' progeny, justifies a lawful accounting in our courts, till we are all called Home. . . what caught my eye, of the "lost" is the context of our dedication, across generations to support a party that has never saw a need, to exert "Executive Privilege" on behalf of the American Negro slaves' progeny. Our 'lawful recovery for theft of Property of wages, or personal security resultant to slavery, Jim Crow and Black Codes across 400 years of adverse impact "under color of law" has nothing to do public--read: "White" opinion, or the media spin, or Congressional Approval. . .Executive privilege means ANY President by virtue of the Office, can earmark monies, to any group, just as the first African-American President Obama (half Kenyan, half White, and no Negro blood in his veins) earmarked $38 Billion USD for the State of Israel to be disbursed across the next decade back in November of 2016. . . It's important to see, if one phone call to one of our most beloved Negro leaders would prompt us to a unified Black Politics trading our black votes, for the courtesy of legislation on our behalf (kind of quid pro quo that a constituency might expect, right?), imagine the possibilities, if a future President would finally "make us more whole" under the laws that provide us potential redress, or recompense for 400 years of inhumane subjugation 'under color of' chattel laws, Jim Crow, or the Black (arbitrary) Codes--each of which, treated us adversely based in significant part upon protected characteristics (where the protected characteristic of black skin, Negro features or American Negro heritage need not be the only cause of the adverse treatment, and only need be a significant reason for the denial of protection afforded under the laws of the US.) This latter section is found in every state's Civil Code. It delineates under what circumstance, we blacks could expect lawful recovery when we are treated differently because of the color of our skin, or the consequence of resembling the American Negro slaves--still an unpleasant reminder in nearly every interaction. Black Politics done RIGHT! can change this mindset. . . we just have to want to change our politics-of-the-individual and formulate a unified Black Political Voting Bloc, that is unemotional, holds the candidates accountable, and impertinent to provide the Negro redress for what intrusive state action continues to set us "so far behind" where, even the newcomers that America welcomes, "who are not tainted with Civil Rights demands" surpass the blacks descendant of the Negro slaves, within a scant generation. The remainder of the truncated Article below resonates with this Commentary:

"This is a problem for black voters, because the Democratic Party's vision of racial justice is extremely limited. Northern liberals pioneered what scholars now call "colorblind racism" That's when racially neutral language makes extreme racial inequalities appear to be the natural outcome of innocent private choices or free-market forces than intentional public policies like housing covenants, federal mortgage redlining, public housing segregation and school zoning."

"Democratic lawmakers drafted civil-rights legislation that would challenge Jim Crow laws in the South, while leaving de facto segregation in the North intact. When NBC News asked the civil-rights organizer Bayard Rustin why many [black] American communities rioted in the summer after the bill passed, he said, "People have to understand although the civil-rights bill was good and something for which I'd worked arduously, there was nothing in it that had any effect whatsoever on the three major problems Negroes face in the North: housing, jobs, and integrated schools. . . the civil-rights bill, because of this failure, has caused an even deeper frustration in the North." Today's poorest movements against a second-class citizenship in Baltimore, Ferguson, Oakland, and elsewhere are in part a legacy of the unresolved failures of civil-rights legislation." [Emphasis added]

"Unfortunately for black voters, most white politicians and voters assume that the civil-rights legislation not only leveled the playing field, but also tilted it in favor of [black] Americans. The white backlash to civil-rights helped resurrect the Republican Party after the disastrous Goldwater campaign in 1964, and, over the last five decades, the Democratic Party has followed the electorate to the right." [Emphasis added]

This Article was part of theAtlantic® Next America: Communities project, which is supported by a grant from Emerson Collective. Please sign up to read the rest of this Mar. 2016 Article that really flew under the collective mainstream's radar. You can also go to and subscribe to the current July 2 breakingbrown newsletter that links directly to this Article and many more that affect the black decendants of the American Negro slaves' politics. . . What is clear, is that "the Now does not precede the Yesterday": there are natural consequences to 400 years of adverse impact "under color of law" that are still impacting our ability to pass wealth to our black children. There are also consequences to the DNC's ability to once again, court the Negro votes, despite the GA Special 2017 Election, widespread DNC courting of illegal immigrant votes (2016 ¡VOTA! campaign), the DNCWikileaks®, Clinton emails WikiLeaks®, and of course that their candidate in 2016 was "a proud Goldwater Girl" at a time when the Negro was egregiously vulnerable . . . we still are. We are living at a time where black Americans will only reach that space white America occupies today, only in case white America ever allowed that to happen. My intention is to make you think about holding your Negro vote (whatever it is, accountable to what you were promised when the vote was courted). . . humans are unfortunate creatures of habit, and I'll end the post with an apt, yet hopeful quote from the Epilogue title of Jared Diamond's The World Until Yesterday.

"Nothing learned, and Everything forgotten?"

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